Here we present our English translation of a letter by a network of feminist and queer activists from China and Taiwan, followed by the Chinese original. An abridged pamphlet version is being published simultaneously on their Instagram and distributed by hand in various cities on the occasion of International Women’s Day. While Chuǎng generally does not engage in solidarity campaigns of this kind, and our own analysis would differ in some respects (such as the characterization of Ukrainians as an oppressed group in the same sense as Palestinians or Uyghurs), we want to support comrades in the Sinophone world, and we find this text to be a striking example of recent efforts by left internationalists in China to collaborate across national and sectional boundaries in radical movements of global significance. As such, it could be compared with “Sharing the Shame: A Letter from Internationalists in China”—a statement on Ukraine we published two years ago. We do agree with the overall message about Israeli and American attempts to pinkwash their atrocities in Palestine, and we find the comparison with the Chinese state’s claim to be liberating Muslim women from Muslim men in Xinjiang to be a particularly apt insight for identifying shared forms of oppression and fostering internationalist sympathies—a necessary component of any communist movement that may emerge in the future. We thank the authors for writing this letter and giving us the opportunity to publish it, and we hope it will contribute in its own small way to the fight to stop the genocide and end the occupation of Palestine.  


Today is International Women’s Day, and also the 154th day of Israel’s genocidal war against the Palestinian people. On this day of global women’s solidarity, as feminist and queer activists from China and Taiwan, we stand firmly with all Palestinians.

Since October 7, 2023, despite the increasing voices of support for the Palestinian cause in the Sinophone world, there has been little discussion in Chinese about the Palestinian liberation movement as a decolonial feminist and queer political issue. Therefore, with this statement, we aim to broaden the perspective of decolonial feminism and queer politics, debunking the imperialist feminist discourse of Israel and the West, and calling for more feminists and queers to speak up for Palestinians.

Israel has long portrayed itself as “the only democracy in the Middle East” that supports women and sexual minorities, claiming to be “progressive” and “civilized,” while using the narrative of imperialist feminism and queer politics to legitimize colonization and genocide. For example, during the 2014 Israeli assault on Gaza, when Palestinian human rights lawyer Noura Erakat questioned former Israeli Ambassador to the US Joshua Hantman about how to explain Israel’s “structural violence of occupation, racial segregation, and settler colonialism,” Hantman responded, “But Hamas doesn’t allow my gay friends to express their sexuality freely.”[1] In its destruction of Gaza, Israel also promoted the “women’s power” of female Israeli soldiers fighting against “terrorists” to defend their homes.[2] Meanwhile, Western “moderates,” represented by American journalist Nicholas Kristof, also cite Hamas’ misogyny as a legitimate reason for Israel to strike against Hamas.[3] However, such absurd narratives of pinkwashing collapse upon closer scrutiny. In 2016, during a Pride parade held in a Palestinian village after the ethnic cleansing of sexual minorities by Israel in Tel Aviv, there was no solidarity between the sexual minority groups and the colonizers.

Israel’s long-standing pinkwashing not only deepens the international community’s pre-existing racial prejudices against Arabs since 9/11, but also solidifies its double standards regarding women’s rights. For example, after Hamas were said to have sexually assaulted Israeli women on October 7, international society expressed widespread anger and sympathy, condemning Hamas immediately. Palestinian feminist Samah Salaime also publicly expressed solidarity with Israeli women and called on feminists to adhere to the same principle, paying equal attention to the suffering of Palestinian women.[4] In contrast, when UN experts reported on sexual violence against Palestinian women by the Israeli military, there was little attention from Western feminists and the international community.[5] In fact, this Israeli exceptionalism has long existed in the field of global hegemonic feminism in the Global North. At the 1985 UN International Women’s Conference, Western feminists such as Betty Friedan discussed ending apartheid in South Africa while telling Egyptian feminist scholar Nawal al-Saadawi, “Do not mention Palestine in your speech. This is a women’s conference, not a political one.”[6] Even today, the voices of Global South feminism are marginalized and suppressed. Reports and documentation of Hamas’ widespread sexual assault have been questioned by numerous media outlets, independent journalists, women’s organizations, and human rights organizations in the Middle East and North Africa.[7] Few Western mainstream media outlets report on this issue. Even Samantha Pearson, former director of the Campus Sexual Assault Center at the University of Alberta in Canada, was dismissed for signing an open letter questioning the lack of evidence for related allegations.[8]

As feminist scholar Randa Abdel-Fattah, who has long studied Islamophobia, said, we do not deny the possibility of sexual violence in war (on the contrary, we are well aware of its widespread presence), nor do we excuse Hamas because the victims are Israeli women, but we oppose double standards of consistency and accountability.[9] We must be cautious especially when it is not female survivors but the Israeli government that is making accusations of sexual assault, as the latter has a bad record of fabricating information.[10] It is important to remember that the call for “believing women” in the MeToo movement does not mean believing colonial governments, as similar situations have occurred in history. African-American feminist scholar Angela Davis astutely pointed out that deeply entrenched racism in American society once fostered the “myth of the Black rapist”: black men were seen as potential predators threatening white women and were often lynched or falsely convicted based on allegations of raping white women.[11] Therefore, as feminists, we must not only oppose sexual violence by any party in war but also be wary of any possibility of using women to legitimize genocide. Furthermore, we must also see the hypocrisy and danger of selectively supporting racist narratives that support women. Although it appears to support feminism, in the context of pre-existing racial prejudices, it is used by Israel to demonize all Palestinian men and indirectly erase the violence experienced by Palestinian women.

Just as the United States invaded Afghanistan in the name of “liberating women,” Israel also uses the narrative of hegemonic feminism to legitimize its colonial aggression, and the latter’s narrative is even more self-contradictory: On the one hand, it portrays itself as a “savior” and aims to rescue “innocent” Palestinian women and sexual minorities from the “barbaric” Palestinian men (even though there are Palestinian men working to eliminate violence against women[12]), and on the other hand, it treats all Palestinian women as future “terrorists” who must be eradicated.[13] Israeli scholar Mordechai Kedar even proposed sexually assaulting female relatives of Palestinians to curb “terrorism.”[14] In short, in the eyes of Zionists, no Palestinian is “innocent.” This narrative stigmatizes not only Palestinian men and women but also Palestinian queers. As the Palestinian sexual minority rights organization alQaws put it, pinkwashing is not only Israel’s war propaganda but also part of colonial violence, because the myth of “Israel as savior” forces Palestinian queers to give up their national identity in exchange for gender identity.[15] In response to this oppressive narrative, the Palestinian community has internalized this myth, equating Palestinian queers with pro-Israel collaborators. It is through this narrative that colonizers attempt to narrow the political imagination of Palestinian national liberation and divide the colonized groups to continue colonization.

Additionally, this Orientalist narrative of “civilization vs. barbarism,” “progress vs. backwardness” and “democracy vs. non-democracy” also conceals the violence of Israeli colonizers against Palestinian women. Since October 7th, the Israeli military has arbitrarily detained many Palestinian women in Gaza and the West Bank, subjecting them to inhuman treatment, including the withholding of food, menstrual hygiene products and medicine, in addition to beating them and committing various forms of sexual assault.[16] Under the blockade and obstruction of humanitarian aid by Israel, many pregnant women in Gaza have had to undergo caesarean sections without pain relief[17] (and the rate of miscarriage among pregnant women had increased by 300 percent[18]), to take medication to delay menstruation due to lack of hygiene,[19] and even to eat livestock feed due to the lack of food.[20] As of March 1st, at least 9,000 women in Gaza have been killed by Israel, an average of 63 per day.[21] It is important to emphasize that this violence did not begin on October 7th, but has been rooted in Israel’s systematic colonial oppression for 75 years. According to a United Nations report from 2008 [22], around 10,000 Palestinian women were being arbitrarily detained in Israeli prisons; female prisoners were subjected to sexual violence, and even male prisoners were not spared [23]. Pregnant female prisoners were shackled even before and after giving birth [24]. Additionally, many Palestinian women were being sexually harassed by Israeli soldiers at checkpoints [25]; many pregnant women were being stopped on their way to Israeli hospitals and forced to give birth at checkpoints. [26] Moreover, as early as the 1948 Palestinian “Nakba” (Catastrophe), Israeli colonizers used sexual violence as a means of ethnic cleansing (of course, Hamas did not yet exist at that time) [27].

Pinkwashing not only reduces Palestinian women and sexual minorities to victims of local patriarchy but also erases their agency. In reality, Palestinian feminists and queers, who have long been marginalized by the national liberation movement, are resisting both colonialism and patriarchal oppression simultaneously—a double colonization articulated by postcolonial feminists. Palestinian writer Sama Aweidah once said, “We as women cannot attain freedom unless we live in a free country. Even if we are free from the occupation, we cannot know what freedom is as long as we are oppressed in our own society.”[28] For Palestinian queers, it is also crucial to root their queer identity in their Palestinian one.[29] It is because of such beliefs that Palestinian women and queers not only resist Israeli colonial occupation but also fight for justice within their communities. From the women’s military organization Zahrat Al-Okhowan, which resisted British occupation in the 1930s, to Leila Khaled, who became a symbol of Palestinian liberation, to the thousands of Palestinian women who organized protests, taught underground, operated makeshift clinics, and engaged in agricultural production during the First Intifada; from Fadwa Tuqan, hailed as the national poet of Palestine for her writings against Israeli colonial occupation and patriarchal oppression, to Dareen Tatour, who was arrested for a poem; from Ahed Tamimi, the young resistance icon imprisoned for slapping Israeli occupation soldiers, to Lamia Ahmed Hussein, who supports her family while volunteering in ambulance services; from Palestinian journalist Shireen Abu Akleh, who was shot dead by Israeli forces while reporting on the Israeli military’s attack on a refugee camp in Jenin, to Hind Khoudary and Sumayya Wushah, who follow in her footsteps by continuing to spread the truth about Gaza. It is because of such beliefs that Palestinian women initiated the Tal’at movement against domestic violence and took to the streets chanting, “No freedom for women, no freedom for the homeland.”[30] It is because of such beliefs that Palestinian queers wave both the rainbow flag and the Palestinian one while opposing violence against sexual minorities, and rushed to the frontlines during the 2021 Palestinian uprising.[31] It can be said that they are not only liberating themselves and pursuing national independence, but also shaping an equal and diverse Palestine.

The structures of oppression are always similar, a hybrid of patriarchy with capitalism, authoritarianism, racism, and imperialism. Resistance is never one-dimensional. Our resistance actions are not only for queers and women but also for all oppressed people, those in conflict, those exploited, those silenced, those in exile. Therefore, a free Palestine is not only crucial for Palestinians but also reflects and influences all oppressed groups: Ukrainians, Uyghurs and Kurds oppressed by imperialism and colonialism, dissidents in Iran, Myanmar/Burma, Syria, Russia and China oppressed by authoritarianism. These resistance movements are often divided into two opposing camps in the new Cold War. The same Western powers simultaneously support Ukrainian resistance to imperialist aggression and Israel’s actions of imperialist colonization, while Russian and Iranian authorities hide behind Hamas to stir up the situation in the Middle East. At a time when international solidarity is precarious, we must see the Ukrainians standing with Palestinians against the Kremlin, and Iranian queers opposing the Iranian authorities while still supporting Palestine. Therefore, we urgently need to break the geopolitical trap of camps and unite in the struggle for everyone’s freedom.

At the same time, we also see how important the Palestinian liberation movement is for China’s decolonial feminism, because the shameful excuse of liberating local women from patriarchy is also used by the Chinese Communist Party to justify its oppressive rule in minority areas. While the Chinese authorities exploit individual Uyghur women like Dilraba on the Spring Festival Gala to promote ethnic harmony, they claim that forced birth control measures “liberate the minds of Xinjiang Uyghur women and extensively promote gender equality and reproductive health concepts, so that they are no longer reduced to breeding machines.”[32] Large numbers of Uyghurs are incarcerated in prisons and concentration camps, where Uyghur women suffer violence such as sexual assault and forced sterilization. Although the Chinese authorities treat actual feminists as enemies, Islamophobia spreads throughout China under a similar narrative of imperialist feminism: Ordinary people easily accept the image of Uyghur men as “terrorists” and the image of Uyghur women as needing to be rescued. Under the threat of state violence, Uyghur women are forced to accept “Han–Uyghur marriages” as a form of sexual violence.

When Rayhan Asat, a Uyghur human rights lawyer advocating for the rights of Palestinians, questions the disappearance of Han Chinese solidarity, how can we not stand with all survivors? When we are outraged by the plight of the Chained Woman of Feng County, how can we separate ourselves from our Uyghur sisters? At the same time, while the Chinese authorities appear to stand with Palestine geopolitically, we must also see that Israel and China are using the same rhetoric and methods for genocide. Therefore, we also implore Palestinians and their supporters to stand with the Uyghurs rather than being divided by campism.

As advocated by American feminist Nancy Fraser, we need a feminism that is anti-capitalist, anti-imperialist, and opposed to all forms of structural racism—one that exists for the 99 percent. Such a feminism would refuse to confine itself to traditional “women’s issues,” standing up for everyone who is exploited, oppressed or marginalized. For this reason, it must be internationalist. This echoes the decolonial feminism of Mona Ameen, a Palestinian feminist still trapped in Gaza. Ameen said that if she had anything to say to women and feminists around the world right now, it would be for them to not stop talking about Palestine.


[1] “Gaza Debate: As Palestinian Deaths Top 100, Who’s to Blame for Escalating Violence? What Can Be Done?” (Democracy Now!, 2014)

[2] “Israeli Women Fight on Front Line in Gaza, a First” (New York Times, 2023)

[3] “Seeking a Moral Compass in Gaza’s War” (New York Times, 2023)

[4] “Women’s liberation mustn’t stop at either side of the Gaza fence” (+972 Magazine, 2023)

[5] “Israel/oPt: UN experts appalled by reported human rights violations against Palestinian women and girls” (United Nations, 2024)

[6] “Palestine solidarity: Women, children, gays – and straight men too” (Middle East Eye, 2015)

[7] Women’s rights organizations and human rights organizations in the Middle East and North Africa jointly signed a petition questioning the adequacy of evidence and accusing the New York Times of utilizing female bodies to cooperate with Israeli misleading propaganda based on the December 28, 2023 report “How Hamas Weaponized Sexual Violence on Oct. 7.” As of March 7, 2024, 17 organizations and over 1,000 individual signatories have joined the petition. Several independent American media outlets, including The Intercept, have also published multiple reports questioning the allegations. Key reasons for skepticism include: lack of victim testimony and forensic evidence, inconsistencies in some sources’ accounts, reliance on information from individuals associated with the Israeli military and police, denials of sexual assault by relatives of the individuals involved, Israel’s prohibition on doctors who participated in the October 7 rescue from being interviewed by the UN Human Rights Council, and limitations in witness testimony and forensic evidence. Additionally, the UN report released on March 4 of this year indicated “clear and convincing information” of sexual violence occurring during the Hamas attack on October 7 last year, yet the expert group explicitly stated that at least two allegations of sexual violence lacked evidence, crime scenes and bodies had been altered and moved by Israeli authorities, a large amount of information was provided by Israeli officials, Israel refused to accept a comprehensive investigation by the UN Human Rights Council, evidence and forensic evidence were limited, photos and videos showed no signs of sexual assault, and the scale of sexual violence could not be confirmed. It is important to emphasize that this effort is not investigative in nature, and the expert group stated that a complete investigation process is needed to reach a final conclusion. Furthermore, Israel continues to reject a comprehensive investigation by the Human Rights Council while actively inviting an expert group without investigative capabilities to visit. UN officials previously urged victims of suspected sexual assault to come forward as witnesses, but received no response. All of these factors raise doubts.

[8] “Head of Canadian Sexual Assault Center Fired for Questioning Accounts of Hamas Raping Israeli Women” (Haaretz, 2023)

[9] “A Critical Look at The New York Times’ Weaponization of Rape in Service of Israeli Propaganda” by Randa Abdel-Fattah (Institute for Palestine Studies, 2024)

[10] In May 2022, American-Palestinian journalist Shireen Abu Akleh was shot dead by Israeli forces while reporting on the Israeli military’s attack on a refugee camp in Jenin. Then-Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett immediately blamed Palestinians for the journalist’s death. However, subsequent investigations by various media outlets revealed that it was the Israeli side that killed her. The Israeli government later stated that “it is highly likely that the Israelis killed her.” For details, see “Shireen Abu Akleh’s killing: Lies, investigations and videotape” (Al Jazeera, 2022)

[11] “Rape, Racism and the Myth of the Black Rapist” by Angela Davis (1978)

[12] “Positive Masculinity: Helping Eliminate Violence Against Women in the West Bank” (UNFPA, 2022)

[13] In 2014, Israeli politician Ayelet Shaked publicly posted on Facebook, calling for the genocide of Palestinians. She wrote: “⋯⋯ They [mothers of Palestinian martyrs] should follow their sons, that’s justice. They should die, just like the snakes they raise. Otherwise, more little snakes will appear.” See “The refreshing bluntness of Ayelet Shaked” (Mondoweiss, 2015)

[14] “Israeli Professor’s ‘Rape as Terror Deterrent’ Statement Draws Ire” (Haaretz, 2014)

[15] “Beyond Propaganda: Pinkwashing as Colonial Violence” (alQaws, 2020)

[16] Same as [5]

[17] “Pregnant Women in Gaza Are Undergoing C-Sections Without Anesthesia as Humanitarian Crisis Worsens” (Jezebel, 2023)

[18] “Miscarriages in Gaza Have Increased 300% Under Israeli Bombing” (Jezebel, 2024)

[19] “No privacy, no water: Gaza women use period-delaying pills amid Israel war” (Al Jazeera, 2022)

[20] “Palestinians in Gaza eating animal feed to survive as NGOs condemn Israel’s use of hunger as weapon of war” (The New Arab, 2024)

[21] “Press release: 9,000 women have been killed in Gaza since early October” (UN Women, 2024)

[22] “Fact Sheets Series ’Behind the Bars: Palestinian Women in Israeli Prisons’” (UN, 2008)

[23] “Sexual torture of Palestinian men by Israeli authorities” by Daniel J N Weishut (Reprod Health Matters, 2015)

[24] Same as [22]

[25] “Israeli Soldiers Accused of Sexually Harassing Palestinian Women at Checkpoint” (Haaretz, 2018)

[26] “Checkpoints Compound the Risks of Childbirth for Palestinian Women” (UNFPA, 2007)

[27] “Don’t wait for Israeli archives to prove what Palestinians already know” (+972 Magazine, 2019)

[28] “Naila and the Uprising” by Julia Bacha (2017)

[29] “Decolonial Queering: The Politics of Being Queer in Palestine” by Walaa Alqaisiya (Journal of Palestine Studies, 2020)

[30] In Arabic, “Tal’at” means “to step out.” In August 2019, Israa Ghrayeb, a 21-year-old Palestinian woman, was beaten to death by her family for going on an outing with her fiancé. Her death sparked outrage among many Palestinian women. They took to social media, using the hashtag “#We_Are_All_Israa_Ghrayeb,” and took to the streets to protest against the pervasive patriarchal violence faced by Palestinian women, calling for judicial reform and the protection of women’s rights. This movement marked the first time in modern Palestinian history that the liberation of women was intertwined with national liberation, making it profoundly revolutionary. The slogan of the movement, “There can be no freedom for our homeland without freedom for women,” became widely circulated. See “Tal’at: a feminist movement that is redefining liberation and reimagining Palestine” (Mondoweiss, 2020); “Palestinian women demand change after tragic death of Israa Ghrayeb” (The National, 2019).

[31] “Queer Palestinian community holds ‘historic’ protest against LGBT violence” (+972 Magazine, 2019)

[32] “Chinese Embassy in the United States praises Xinjiang Uyghur women for no longer being ‘baby-making machines’, tweet deleted” (RFI, 2021)




一直以来,以色列都把自己包装成支持女性和性少数权利的“中东唯一民主国家”,自诩“进步”、“文明”,并利用帝国女权主义和酷儿政治的叙事来正当化殖民和种族灭绝。例如,在2014年以色列袭击加沙时,当巴勒斯坦人权律师诺拉·埃拉卡特(Noura Erakat)质问以色列前驻美大使乔舒亚·汉特曼(Joshua Hantman)要如何解释以色列“结构性的占领暴力、种族隔离和定居者殖民”时,他说:“但哈马斯不让我的同性恋朋友自由表达性向。” [1] 在这次对加沙的摧毁中,以色列也乐于宣扬以色列女兵打击”恐怖分子”、保家卫国的”女性力量”。[2] 而以美国记者纪思道(Nicholas Kristof)为代表的西方“温和派”,亦将哈马斯厌女作为以色列打击哈马斯的正当理由。[3]然而,这类“粉红清洗”的荒唐叙事只要稍加审视,就不攻自破。2016年,以色列性少数在特拉维夫遭种族清洗后的巴勒斯坦村庄举办骄傲游行时,性少数群体团结在殖民者和被殖民者间并不存在。

以色列长期的“粉红清洗”不仅加深了“9.11事件”后国际社会对阿拉伯人原有的种族偏见,还固化了其对女性权利的双重标准。例如,在以色列称10月7日哈马斯大规模性侵以色列妇女后,国际社会广泛表示愤怒和同情,第一时间谴责哈马斯。巴勒斯坦女权主义者萨玛·萨莱姆(Samah Salaime)也公开表示与以色列女性同在,并呼吁女权主义者秉持同一原则,同样关注巴勒斯坦女性的苦难。[4] 相反,在联合国专家报告巴勒斯坦女性遭受以军的性暴力后 [5],西方女权主义者及国际社会的关注却少之又少。事实上,这种“以色列例外论”在全球北方的霸权女权主义(hegemonic feminism)领域长期存在。1985年联合国国际妇女大会上,贝蒂·弗里丹(Betty Friedan)等西方女权主义者就一边讨论如何终结南非的种族隔离,一边告诉埃及女权主义学者诺娃·艾萨达维(Nawal al- Saadawi):“不要在你的发言里提及巴勒斯坦。这里是妇女大会,不是政治大会。” [6] 哪怕在今天,全球南方女权的声音仍被边缘化和打压。例如,关于哈马斯大规模性侵的报导和报告一直受到众多媒体、独立记者、中东及北非地区的女权组织和人权机构质疑。 [7] 对此,西方主流媒体甚少报导。甚至加拿大阿尔伯塔大学校园性侵中心的(前任)主任萨曼莎·皮尔逊(Samantha Pearson),此前还因签署一封质疑相关指控证据不足的公开信,遭到革职。 [8]

诚如长期研究伊斯兰恐惧症的女权主义学者兰达·阿卜杜勒-法塔(Randa Abdel-Fattah)所言,我们绝非否认战争中出现性暴力的可能性(相反,我们深知性暴力在战争中广泛存在),亦非因为受侵犯者是以色列女性而为哈马斯开脱,而是反对对于一致性(consistency)和问责性(accountability)的双重标准。 [9] 尤其是当指控性侵的并非女性受害者,而是在捏造信息方面劣迹斑斑的以色列政府时 [10],我们更要审慎对待。要记住,MeToo运动中呼吁的“相信女性”,不等于相信殖民政府。因为类似情况在历史上也发生过。美国黑人女权学者安吉拉·戴维斯(Angela Davis)敏锐指出,种族主义根深蒂固的美国社会就曾存在“黑人强奸犯迷思”(the myth of Black rapist):黑人男性被当成威胁白人女性的潜在性掠食者,并极易仅因性侵白人女性的指控而被处以私刑或遭受误判。[11] 因此,作为女权主义者,我们不仅要反对战争中任何一方将性暴力作为武器,还要警惕任何利用女性来正名种族灭绝的可能性。另外,我们也必须看到,选择性支持女性的种族主义叙事的虚伪和危险。因为它看似支持女权,但在本就充斥种族偏见的语境下被以色列用来妖魔化所有巴勒斯坦男性,也间接抹杀巴勒斯坦女性遭遇的暴力。

正如美国以”解放妇女“为名入侵阿富汗一样,以色列也采用霸权女权主义的叙事来正当化自己的殖民侵略罪行,而后者的叙事更加自相矛盾:一方面把自己标榜成“救世主”,要将“无辜”的巴勒斯坦女性、性少数从“野蛮原始”的巴勒斯坦男性手中解救出来(哪怕巴勒斯坦也有男性在为消除针对妇女的暴力而努力 [12]),另一方面又将全体巴勒斯坦女性当成未来“恐怖分子”的母亲,必须赶尽杀绝 [13] 。以色列学者摩尔德凯·克达(Mordechai Kedar)甚至还提议性侵巴勒斯坦人的女性亲属,以此遏制“恐怖主义。” [14] 简言之,在锡安主义者眼中,没有一个巴勒斯坦人是“无辜”的。这种叙事污名的不止巴勒斯坦男性、女性,还有酷儿。正如巴勒斯坦性少数权利组织alQaws所言,“粉红清洗”不光是以色列的战争宣传,更是殖民暴力的一部分,因为“以色列救世主”的迷思,强迫巴勒斯坦酷儿放弃民族身份认同,来换取性别身份认同。[15] 作为对这种压迫性叙事的反应,巴勒斯坦社群将这种迷思广为内化,把社群中的酷儿等同于以色列的合作者。正是通过这种叙事,殖民者妄图窄化巴勒斯坦民族解放的政治想像,分化被殖民的群体,以延续殖民。

另外,这种“文明 – 野蛮”、“进步 – 落后”、“民主 – 非民主”的东方主义叙事也掩盖了以色列殖民者对巴勒斯坦女性的暴力。自去年10月7日以来,以色列军方将许多加沙及西岸的巴勒斯坦女性任意羁押,非人虐待,包括拒绝提供食物、经期卫生用品、药物,进行殴打,实施多种形式的性侵犯。[16]在以色列封锁和妨碍人道主义援助之下,许多加沙妇女不得不在没有止痛药的情况下剖腹产 [17](孕妇的流产率提升了300% [18]),因缺乏卫生条件不得不服药推迟月经 [19],因缺乏食物不得不吃牲畜饲料…… [20] 截至3月1日,加沙至少有9,000名女性遭以色列杀害,平均每天63名。 [21]需要强调的是,这种暴力并非始于去年10月7日,而是从始至终根植于以色列长达七十五年的系统性殖民压迫。据联合国2008年报告统计 [22],约有10,000名巴勒斯坦女性被任意拘押在以色列监狱;女囚犯被施以性暴力,甚至男囚犯也无法幸免。[23] 怀孕的女囚犯就连分娩前后都要手脚戴铐。[24] 此外,还有许多巴勒斯坦女性在边检站被以色列士兵性骚扰 [25];许多孕妇在前往以色列医院的途中被拦下,不得不在边检站分娩…… [26] 且早在1948年的巴勒斯坦“浩劫”(Nakba),以色列殖民者就将性侵作为种族清洗的手段(讽刺的是那时哈马斯并不存在)。[27]

“粉红清洗”将巴勒斯坦女性、性少数化约为本土父权制受害者的同时,也抹杀了ta们的能动性。实际上,长期被民族解放事业边缘化的巴勒斯坦女权主义者和酷儿是在同时反抗殖民和父权的双重压迫——后殖民女权主义者提出的“双重殖民”。巴勒斯坦作家Sama Aweidah曾说:“我们作为女性无法获得自由,除非我们活在一个自由的国家。哪怕我们免受占领,我们也无从得知何为自由,只要我们仍在自己社会里受到压迫。” [28] 对于巴勒斯坦酷儿而言,让酷儿身份和巴勒斯坦人身份相互扎根也是当务之急。[29] 正是因为这样的信念,巴勒斯坦女性和酷儿不仅抵抗以色列殖民占领,也为自己的社群争取正义。从1930年代抵抗英军占领的妇女军事组织扎赫拉特·阿尔奇夫安(Zahrat Al-Okhowan),到成为巴勒斯坦解放标志的莱拉·卡莱德(Leila Khaled),再到第一次巴勒斯坦大起义(Intifada)期间组织抗议、地下教书、运营临时诊所、进行农业生产的万千巴勒斯坦女性;从执笔抵抗以色列殖民占领和父权压迫而被誉为巴勒斯坦国民诗人的法德瓦·图甘(Fadwa Tuqan),到因一首诗被捕的达林·塔图尔(Dareen Tatour);从掌掴以色列占领士兵而入狱的青年反抗偶像阿赫德·塔米米(Ahed Tamimi),到一边养家一边参与志愿救护的拉米娅·艾哈迈德·侯赛因(Lamia Ahmed Hussein);从报导以军袭击简宁难民营时遭以军枪杀的巴勒斯坦记者希琳·阿布·阿克勒(Shireen Abu Akleh),到承其遗志现仍在加沙传递真相的辛德·库达里(Hind Khoudary)、苏麦娅·乌沙(Sumayya Wushah)。正是因为这样的信念,巴勒斯坦女性才会发起反家暴的Tal’at运动,走上街头高喊“没有自由的女性,就没有自由的家园。“ [30] 正是因为这样的信念,巴勒斯坦酷儿才会在反对针对性少数的暴力时,同时挥舞彩虹旗和巴勒斯坦国旗 [31],才会在2021年巴勒斯坦起义时冲上前线。可以说,ta们不光是在解放自己,追求民族独立,更是在塑造一个平等多元的巴勒斯坦。

压迫结构总是类似的,是父权制与资本主义、威权主义、种族主义、帝国主义的媾和。反抗从不是单维度的。我们的抵抗行动不仅为了酷儿和女性,也为一切被压迫的人、战火中的人、受剥削的人、被噤声的人、流亡中的人。因此,自由巴勒斯坦不仅对巴勒斯坦人至关重要,也映照和影响著一切受到压迫的群体:受帝国主义/殖民主义压迫的乌克兰人、维吾尔人、库尔德人……受威权主义压迫的伊朗反对派、缅甸反对派、叙利亚反对派、俄罗斯反对派和中国反对派……这些抵抗运动往往被新冷战划分至分庭抗礼的两个阵营中。西方建制同时支持反抗帝国主义侵略的乌克兰和进行帝国主义殖民的以色列,而俄罗斯和伊朗当局则躲在哈马斯背后搅动中东局势。在国际团结岌岌可危之际,我们更要看到乌克兰酷儿反对克林姆林宫的同时,亦与巴勒斯坦同在,伊朗酷儿在反对伊朗当局的同时,仍然在声援巴勒斯坦 。所以,我们亟需打破阵营主义的地缘陷阱,联合起来,为所有人的自由抗争。

与此同时,我们也看到巴勒斯坦解放事业对于中国的去殖民女权主义是何等重要。因为这种声称要从父权制中解放本地妇女的可耻借口,也为中共政权对少数民族地区的压迫性统治所用。中共一边利用迪丽热巴等个别维吾尔女性在春晚上宣扬民族和谐,一边称强迫节育措施使“新疆维吾尔族妇女的思想得到解放,且在性别平等于生育健康观念广为宣传下,让她们不再沦为生育机器 。” [32] 大量的维吾尔人被关在监狱和集中营,维吾尔妇女在其中遭受着性侵、强制绝育等暴力。尽管中国当局面对女权主义者时如临大敌,伊斯兰恐惧症却在类似的帝国女权主义叙事下传遍中国:普通人轻易地接受了“恐怖分子”的维吾尔男性形象,和待被拯救的维吾尔妇女形象。维吾尔女性在国家暴力的威胁下不得不接受“维汉联姻”式的性暴力。

当声援巴勒斯坦人的维吾尔人权律师莱汉·阿萨特(Rayhan Asat)质疑中国汉人的团结消失时,我们岂能不与所有受迫害者同在?当我们对丰县“铁链女”的遭遇怒不可遏时,我们又岂能与维吾尔等民族的姐妹分割?同时,当中国当局在地缘政治的阵营中看似与巴勒斯坦站在一起时,我们更要看到以色列和中国正使用同样的话术和手段进行种族灭绝。因此,我们也恳请巴勒斯坦人和支持巴勒斯坦的人不要被阵营主义所分化,与维吾尔人同在。

正如美国女权主义者南希·弗雷泽(Nancy Frascer)主张的,我们需要一种反资本主义、反制度性种族主义、反帝国主义的女权主义,我们要的是为99%的人而存在的女权主义。这种女权主义不再自限于传统的“女性的问题”,而是为所有受剥削者、受宰制者、受压迫者奋身。正因如此,它必然是国际主义的。这与此时仍被困在加沙的巴勒斯坦女权主义者莫娜·阿米恩(Mona Ameen)的去殖民女权主义遥相呼应。阿米恩说,如果她现在还有什么想和全世界的女性和女权主义者说的,那就是不要停止谈论巴勒斯坦。


[1] “Gaza Debate: As Palestinian Deaths Top 100, Who’s to Blame for Escalating Violence? What Can Be Done?”(Democracy Now!, 2014)

[2] “Israeli Women Fight on Front Line in Gaza, a First” (New York Times, 2023)

[3] “Seeking a Moral Compass in Gaza’s War” (New York Times, 2023)

[4] “Women’s liberation mustn’t stop at either side of the Gaza fence” (+972 Magazine, 2023)

[5] “Israel/oPt: UN experts appalled by reported human rights violations against Palestinian women and girls” (UnitedNations, 2024)

[6] “Palestine solidarity: Women, children, gays – and straight men too” (Middle East Eye, 2015)

[7] 中东北非女权组织和人权组织曾就纽约时报2023年12月28日的报道《How Hamas Weaponized Sexual Violence on Oct. 7》发起联署,质疑报道证据不足,利用女性身体配合以色列误导性宣传。截至2024年3月7日,联署的组织有17家,个人联署者超过1,000名。The Intercept等美国独立媒体亦有多篇报道质疑。质疑者质疑的主要理由包括:缺乏受害者证词及法医证据、部分信源曾捏造信息且证词前后不一致、大量信息来自与以色列军方警方有关的人士、案件当事人的家属否认其遭到性侵、以色列禁止参与10月7日救援的医生接受联合国人权理事会采访。即便今年3月4日联合国的报告表明有“明确而令人信服的信息“表明去年10月7日哈马斯袭击发生了性暴力,专家组也明确表示至少有两则性暴力的指控毫无依据、犯罪现场和尸体曾遭到以方改变和移动、大量信息由以色列官方提供、以色列拒绝接受联合国人权理事会的全面调查、证词及法医证据有限、照片和视频里没有性侵迹象、无法证实性暴力的规模等。需要强调的是,此次任务并不具有调查性质(not investigative),专家组称需要完整的调查过程才能最终定论。并且,以色列至今仍拒绝人权理事会的全面调查,却主动邀请并无调查性质的专家组访以。联合国官员此前也呼吁疑遭性侵的受害者出来做证,却无人回应。以上种种都令人存疑。

[8] “Head of Canadian Sexual Assault Center Fired for Questioning Accounts of Hamas Raping Israeli Women” (Haaretz,2023)

[9] “A Critical Look at The New York Times’ Weaponization of Rape in Service of Israeli Propaganda” by Randa Abdel-Fattah (Institute for Palestine Studies, 2024)

[10] 2022年5月,美籍巴勒斯坦记者希琳·阿布·阿克勒在报导以军袭简宁难民营时遭到以军枪杀。时任以色列总理纳夫塔利·贝内特立即指责是巴勒斯坦人有可能对记者的死负有责任。后来在多方媒体考证皆表明是以方杀害的之后,以色列政府才改口,称“极有可能是以方杀害”。详细经过见“Shireen Abu Akleh’s killing: Lies, investigations and videotape” (Al Jazeera, 2022)

[11] “Rape, Racism and the Myth of the Black Rapist” by Angela Davis (1978)

[12] “Positive Masculinity: Helping Eliminate Violence Against Women in the West Bank” (UNFPA, 2022)

[13] 2014年,以色列政客艾莱特·沙凯德(Ayelet Shaked)曾公开在脸书发文,呼吁对巴勒斯坦人种族灭绝。她写道:“⋯⋯她们 [巴勒斯坦烈士的母亲] 应该跟随她们的儿子,这才叫公正。她们应该去死,就像她们养蛇的家一样。否则,会有更多小蛇出现。”见“The refreshing bluntness of Ayelet Shaked” (Mondoweiss, 2015)

[14] “Israeli Professor’s ‘Rape as Terror Deterrent’ Statement Draws Ire” (Haaretz, 2014)

[15] “Beyond Propaganda: Pinkwashing as Colonial Violence” (alQaws, 2020)

[16] 同[5]

[17] “Pregnant Women in Gaza Are Undergoing C-Sections Without Anesthesia as Humanitarian Crisis Worsens”(Jezebel, 2023)

[18] “Miscarriages in Gaza Have Increased 300% Under Israeli Bombing” (Jezebel, 2024)

[19] “No privacy, no water: Gaza women use period-delaying pills amid Israel war” (Al Jazeera, 2022)

[20] “Palestinians in Gaza eating animal feed to survive as NGOs condemn Israel’s use of hunger as weapon of war” (TheNew Arab, 2024)

[21] “Press release: 9,000 women have been killed in Gaza since early October” (UN Women, 2024)

[22] “Fact Sheets Series ’Behind the Bars: Palestinian Women in Israeli Prisons’” (UN, 2008)

[23] “Sexual torture of Palestinian men by Israeli authorities” by Daniel J N Weishut (Reprod Health Matters, 2015)

[24] 同[22]

[25] “Israeli Soldiers Accused of Sexually Harassing Palestinian Women at Checkpoint” (Haaretz, 2018)

[26] “Checkpoints Compound the Risks of Childbirth for Palestinian Women” (UNFPA, 2007)

[27] “Don’t wait for Israeli archives to prove what Palestinians already know” (+972 Magazine, 2019)

[28] “Naila and the Uprising” by Julia Bacha (2017)

[29] “Decolonial Queering: The Politics of Being Queer in Palestine” by Walaa Alqaisiya (Journal of Palestine Studies, 2020)

[30] 阿拉伯语的“Tal’at”是“走出去”的意思。2019年8月,年仅21岁的巴勒斯坦女性伊斯拉·格拉耶布(Israa Ghrayeb)因与尚未订婚的未婚夫外出郊游而被家人殴打致死。她的死亡令许多巴勒斯坦女性群情激愤。她们纷纷在社交媒体上用“#We_Are_All_Israa_Ghrayeb”(“#我们都是伊斯拉·格拉耶布”)的标签大量转发,上街抗议巴勒斯坦女性普遍受到的父权暴力,呼吁司法改革,保护女性权利。这次运动是巴勒斯坦近代史上首次把民族解放和妇女解放相结合的女权行动,极具革命性。“没有自由的女性,就没有自由的家园”的运动口号也广为流传。见“Tal’at: a feminist movement that is redefining liberation and reimagining Palestine” (Mondoweiss, 2020);“Palestinian women demand change after tragic death of Israa Ghrayeb” (The National, 2019)

[31] “Queer Palestinian community holds ‘historic’ protest against LGBT violence” (+972 Magazine, 2019)

[32] “中国驻美使馆发文赞新疆维族妇女不再是生育机器遭轰 推特删文” (rfi, 2021)